How did Henry Drummond Explain Human Language? · Did Henry Drummond Have Any Other Hunch on Language?
I feel somewhat guiltyish for omission in the previous.
Not guilty, the main problem is actually, he assumes once a "Homo alalus" is anatomically equal to a Homo sapiens surely an adult "Homo alalus" would at the very least show the talent in language making of a five year old or ten year old Homo sapiens, thereby becoming a Homo sapiens.
But he had two other leads, or three, one of which is resurfacing and the other ones of which aren't so much. They are just very subsidiary to this egregious error. The problem being that the five or ten year old actual human person actually started talking by being taught that. And an adult so far "alalus" (non talking) would, by definition, not have had any seach teaching. He would not as a child have seen and heard first hand how certain meanings and certain sounds go together. Or rather sound-sequences. Or rather sequences of sound-sequences. The phoneme being a sound (as abstractly recognised in the language), the morpheme being a sound sequence with some kind of incomplete meaning, or a definitional one, and the sequence of morphemes (of sound sequences) having a full meaning, two (or more) definitions going together to tell something.
Now here are the other leads.
A second witness is savage Man. Some of the more primitive races, far as they have evolved past the alalits stage, still cling to the gesture-language which bulked so largely in the inter¬ course of their ancestors. No one who has witnessed a conversation — one says “ witnessed,” for it is more seeing than hearing — between two different tribes of Indians can have any doubt of the working efficiency of this method of speech. After ten minutes of almost pure pantomime each will have told the other everything that it is needful to say. Indians of different tribes, indeed, are able to communicate most perfectly on all ordinary subjects with no more use of the voice than that required for the emission of a few different kinds of grunts. The fact that stranger tribes make so large a use of gesture in expressing themselves to one another does not, of course, imply that each has not a word-language of its own. But few of the Languages of primitive peoples are complete without the ad¬ ditions which gesture offers. There are gaps in the vocabulary of almost all savage tribes due to the fact that in actual speech the lacunce are bridged by signs, and many of their words belong more to the category of signs than to that of words.
I suppose a certain true Scotsman, as Henry Drummond was, never ever set foot in North Dakota or South Dakota. He did visit Boston. But it would seem that the descendants of the Pilgrim Fathers had been a bit bad for the persistance of the Indians who welcomed them. Boston is just 42,4 mi from Plymouth Bay. So, I'm very sure Mr. Drummond himself had never witnessed a conversation between two different tribes. But even if we grant that lots were left to gesture, I would venture that the gestures are a conventional substitute for actual words, not a more universal dictionary. Whoever Drummond was relying on had misunderstood Amerindian linguistics pretty grossly. So, no, this one is not very much repeated these days. Fortunately.
The next stage in the Evolution of Language must have been reached as naturally as the Language of gesture and tone. From the gesture-language to mixtures of signs and sounds, and finally to the specialisation of sound into words, is a necessary transition. Apart from the fact that gestures and tones have limits, circumstances must often have arisen in the life of early Man when gesture was impossible. A sign Language is of no use when one savage is at one end of a wood and his wife at the other. He must now roar ; and to make his roar explicit, he must have a vocabulary of roars, and of all shades of roars.
This one is kind of repeated. Latest avatar of it, someone said, when human females lost fur and babies could no longer 24/24 cling to the fur of the mother, another way of keeping contact was necessary. The problem is, apart from us not descending from creatures with fur for real, the capacity to talk seems "on the evolutionary timeline" to arise way later than the loss of body hair. How did babies survive without getting lost in the meantime? It's obviously pretty ludicrous to talk of a man and of his wife before they could talk as if a marriage contract could be signed in chimp calls. But supposing there was even just a momentary pairing, why would they be on opposite ends of a wood before they were able to agree on things like "you search that region, I'll search this one" ... things one normally agrees to verbally.
The child who says moo for cow, or bow-wow for dog, or tick-tick for watch, or puff-puff for train, is an authority on the origin of human speech.
...
“ An Englishman would hardly guess from the present pronunciation and meaning of the word pipe what its origin was ; yet when he compares it with the Low Latin pipa, French pipe, pronounced more like our word peep, to chirp, and meaning such a reed-pipe as shepherds played on, he then sees how cleverly the very sound of the musical pipe has been made into a word for all kinds of tubes, such as tobacco-pipes and water-pipes. ..." [Tylor Anthropology, p. 127.]
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The instructiveness of this, in showing the reason why philology is often so helplessly at a loss in tracking farstrayed words to their original sense, is plain. In the nature of the case, the onomatopoetic theory can never be proved in more than a fraction of cases. So cunning is the mind in associating ideas, so swift in making new departures, that the clue to multitudes of words must be obliterated by time, even if the first forms and spellings of the words themselves remain in their original in¬ tegrity — which rarely happens — to offer a feasible point to start the search from.
As with Tolkien's language invention, the child who calls a dog bow-wow already has some notion of talking. He's substituting onomatopoeia for adult words, because he hasn't heard or has forgotten the adult word, or for plain fun. But the point is. His cue is, Drummond's not the child's, onomatopoeia starts a process of associations, and when one of the concepts actually is needed separate from the rest, it starts all over, and words originally onomatopoeic diversify by sound changes (like the Great Vowel Shift very thoroughly had the onomatopoeia in the English pronunciation of pipe.)
But this very obviously can't be the first step from calls of apes to words of men. The reason why human words can change meaning by associations and can change sound so as to sound different from before is not just that they are conventional, the calls of animals are that too to a degree, but that they are so very conventional that a word is made of meaningless sounds. D, O and G don't mean anything, "dog" does and "God" means something very different. Every time a word changes or drops or assumes a sound, other sounds are preserved, so that the distinction remains. A Dominican is sometimes nicknamed "the Lord's dog", but for the two words concerned, let's go for "God's dog" ... in Old English it would have been "Goddes dogga" ... you can see how the words have remained the same because parts of the original sounds remain, while others changed or in this case simply got dropped. Similarily, the word "war" ... let's consult wiktionary:
From Middle English werre, from Late Old English werre / wyrre (“armed conflict”), from Anglo-Norman and Old Northern French guerre / werre (compare modern French guerre), from Medieval Latin werra, from Frankish *werru (“confusion; quarrel”), from Proto-Indo-European *wers- (“to mix up, confuse, beat, thresh”). Gradually displaced native Old English beadu, hild, ġewinn, orleġe, wīġ, and many others as the general term for "war" during the Middle English period.
Werre. Note, "er" would have sounded like in "hair" but shorter, not like in "her". Werr. Loss of final vowel. Warr. Same vowel as in "father". Later: war. Rhymes with "for". With R. And in any parts of England, Oceania and part time in New York City, "waur" became "wau" ... At each stage, the sounds that don't change keep the word recognisable despite the sound that does change at each step.
How it could go from "confusion" to "war" depends on the fact that one could have many different words for "war" ... or for "confusion" ... again, a degree of conventional you don't find in ape calls. There is one call and precisely one call for "lion danger" = "flee into the trees".
None of the proposals deals with how, supposedly, on the Evolutionist view, language got restructured from calls where 1 sound (or vaccillation between sounds) = 1 meaningful whole, to 1, 2, 3 ... sounds = definitional meaning, concept, while 1, 2, 3 ... such meanings = a meaningful whole. And yet, that's precisely what their proposal entails. Drummond just presumes, without evidence, that an onomatopoeia for "lion" would somehow be superior to the older call for "lion danger", that it could be a word and still assumed into a context of calls, or even that changes we have documented for words (sound or meaning, sometimes both) could function for a call or for an onomatopoeia introduced among calls.
He also doesn't see the difference between "lion!" in the sense of "lion danger" and a word denoting the concept of lion. Apes that live near lions can communicate "lion danger = flee into the trees" in one call. But that call is absolutely not used in saying things like "we saw lions yesterday, but fortunately they were far off" — perhaps he dealt with it in the chapter on mind, though I doubt he did so intelligently, but how does curiosity (which hasn't killed any cat I have seen) intrude into a communication system of emotions ranging from high strung alarm signals to humdrum signals of contentment, but all just emotica and pragmatica, all they the equivalent of smileys and traffic signs?
Hans Georg Lundahl
Paris
Epiphany of the Lord
6.I.2026